Boris has dumped, but how are things changing?
The far-reaching shortcomings of so-called Western-style democracy may date back to its earliest days, but what has been particularly troubling lately has been a tendency to elect (or select) leaders whose spectacular inability to govern is beyond reasonable doubt. Donald Trump remains arguably the most famous example of this trend, setting the standard by which Brazilian Jair Bolsonaro was dubbed the tropical Trump and Briton Boris Johnson became, in the words of the former US president, semi-literate. , “British Trump”. Johnson’s bestiality, whose victory last week at the hands of the same colleagues who secured his premiership was sudden but not unpredictable, differs significantly from Trump’s. The British Prime Minister might appreciate his cultured personality as a cross between Billy Bunter and Bertie Wooster, but he is neither a complete ignoramus nor a silly scholar.
What was evident long before he became the Conservative leader is that whatever intellect he possesses, he is primarily dedicated to serving his own interests. Treating certifiable truths as an inconvenience comes naturally to him. He is not the first political leader to assume that he is immune to the laws that apply to hoipolloi. However, in terms of his shameless disregard for ethics, he seemed to have no idea where to draw the line, until a significant number of those who had facilitated his rise to power began to abandon him. His catalysts were not confined to most of the Conservative Party, but extended to much of the British media. Unsurprisingly, they were also deeply entrenched in the main opposition party. Five years ago, when the leader elected by Labor members and supporters was undermined by his parliamentary party, Prime Minister Theresa May mistakenly assumed that her relatively narrow parliamentary majority could be significantly boosted by a snap election.
Instead, the Tories lost their majority as Labor posted their best result in decades, driven in large measure by young people’s enthusiasm for social democratic ideals that were thought to have been rendered obsolete by neoliberalism by Thatcher-Major Blair-Brown. time. This threat could not be tolerated, and the beneficiaries of the status quo doubled down to lessen the risk. Among the Conservatives, this ultimately led to a May switch to “Brexit Boris”. On the Labor side, some MPs left the party (and then sank without a trace, mostly retiring into the corporate world), while others maintained their hostility within the Labor caucus at all times. what sounded like socialist ideals. And then there were those, like Keir Starmer, who claimed otherwise but stabbed Jeremy Corbyn with varying degrees of subtlety, pushing him against his instincts to take an inconsistent stance on the key Brexit issue.
Meanwhile, backed not just by the Tories but by the bulk of Labour, almost every media outlet has steadily upped the ante in their murder of Corbyn on the absurd grounds of anti-Semitism. The cumulative effect was substantial gains for the Conservatives in the 2019 election – the Conservative vote rose only slightly, but Labor’s share fell sharply. Since Starmer replaced Corbyn, he has kept his manifesto promises while devoting his energies to purging the Labor left – including Corbyn, alongside a number of Jewish activists who have blindly refused to endorse the growing excesses of the Israeli state. The very idea of a potential British Prime Minister who would genuinely sympathize with dispossessed Palestinians was anathema not only to the Zionist elite in Israel, but to their cronies across the British political spectrum.
Even beyond the shared adoration for Israel’s variety of fascism, Star-mer found little fault with conservative politics at home or abroad. His devotion to the false truths of the status quo seems even more unconditional than Tony Blair’s adherence to Thatcher’s key precepts. Which, in turn, makes it easier for the Conservatives to turn against their prime minister, knowing full well that even if the Conservative effort fails, the alternative wouldn’t be so different.
A popular uprising along the lines of what has recently been seen in Sri Lanka could have focused British minds and perhaps propelled a different outcome to what awaits us, with Johnson in situ for a few more months until his successor emerges on September 5. No one currently has any idea who it could be – from Rishi Sunak and Sajid Javid to Nadhim Zahawi, Penny Mordaunt, Priti Patel or Liz Truss. It may even be none of the above. But he will no doubt be someone who will effectively pursue what conservatives call “the Thatcher revolution”, which does not exclude Starmer. For meaningful change, Britain will have to go way beyond dumping Boris Johnson. And, alas, neither the Conservative pretenders nor the current Labor party offer a serious alternative.